Australian Labor Party

Australian Labor Party
The Party for all Australians

Saturday 11 October 2014

Tony Abbott and Bill shorten are both indulging in failure - The AIM Network

Tony Abbott and Bill shorten are both indulging in failure - The AIM Network



Tony Abbott and Bill shorten are both indulging in failure














The Abbott Government’s serial
abuses of human rights, social justice, and our democratic processes
have become the norm, and their destructive task is made all the easier
with a tepid Opposition under an ineffectual Bill Shorten. Will this
current state of our politics ever change? John Faulkner’s attack upon the current state of the ALP holds the key, writes Paul G. Dellit.




Those who think about such things within the LNP will tell you that
self-interest, the predominance of the individual over society (patron
saint Thatcher denied the very existence of ‘society’), is the core
tenet of large ‘L’ Liberal philosophy. The extent to which the LNP is
able to egregiously pursue that philosophy, so that it becomes the ‘dog
eat dog’ interests of powerful individuals at the expense of the rest of
society, is simply a matter of what the political market will bear.



Successive Menzies’ Governments introduced a number of social and
welfare reforms and initiatives, and famously stole many of them from
the ALP platform to win elections – because Menzies felt he had to.



How much of the ALP platform was it necessary for Abbott to steal to
win the last election? Of course, the question is rhetorical. We know
that Abbott promised nothing new. He promised to axe ALP reforms which
he considered electorally unpopular (the carbon and mining taxes), and
not to change in any way those which had broad electoral appeal.



Once in office, he wielded the axe to everything that might impede
the interests of his clique of economic solipsists in the comfortable
knowledge that the promises he made before the election could be broken
immediately after the election. No believable excuses that new dire
circumstances had emerged would be needed: he knew that the ALP leader
would still be Bill Shorten.



In fact, Shorten’s tenure is proving so ineffectual that Abbott
doesn’t have to govern in the customary ‘here is my vision for the
future and the policies I have created to achieve it’ sense. He can
settle into the role which is his natural metier – opposition. Our Prime
Minister is never happier when he has something to be against:



  • the young who are unemployed or seeking an education;
  • the elderly who are pensioners or self-funded, or superannuated retirees;
  • the sick;
  • taxpayers who pay their scheduled rates of tax to make up the
    shortfall left by members of his Club of the Main Chancers who offshore
    their incomes to pay a tax rate of 0% to 10%;
  • genuine asylum seekers, including children, whom he incarcerates and
    subjects to psychological torture (mostly Muslims – I wonder how he
    would treat them if they were blond, blue-eyed Scandinavians);
  • resident Muslims peacefully wearing their customary forms of dress which he finds confronting; and
  • his crowning glory, the advent of ISIL, which allows him to become a
    ‘PM at War’, just like his hero, John Howard – now there are people he
    can be so against he can wish them killed. Of course, he can’t send
    Australians to Africa to help save people because they couldn’t be
    evacuated to Australia if they got sick – evacuation to Europe has not
    even been considered.

The current LNP government can also afford to indulge itself in
failure. In alphabetical order, Abbott, Abetz, Andrews, Brandis,
Cormann, and the star of the show, Hockey, have all produced policies
and a Budget which have had to be significantly changed or abandoned
before they made it to implementation and, in some instances, even
before they made it to Parliament. In contrast, the Gillard minority
government was able to produce a number of landmark policies and get
them through both houses of Parliament. These, of course, are those
landmark initiatives and reforms that the Abbott Government is in the
process of dismantling.



It seems we are experiencing at first hand the truth of Edmund Burke’s saying,
“All tyranny needs to gain a foothold is for people of good conscience
to remain silent”. There was once a time when the ‘people of good
conscience’ in Opposition were the ALP. The ALP was once a party of
principle – to the admittedly impractical extent that some in the ALP
preferred Opposition to Government because of the corrupting influences
of power. Nevertheless, the ALP was once a party which had a set of
well-defined principles, and would stand by them, and if the electorate
found any of them unpalatable, the ALP would argue its case and attempt
to win it over – the ALP’s mission was to lead public opinion, not
follow it if it thought it was misinformed.



Now we have an ALP led by a man whose main claims to fame are that he
engineered the sacking of two sitting Prime Ministers. And it was
reported by Michelle Grattan that he was contemporaneously telling any
in the Parliamentary Press Gallery who would listen that he would be the
next leader of the ALP.



Well, he did become the next leader of the ALP, and what has he done
with it? Did he aspire to the job because he had the outstanding talents
needed to lift the ALP out of the parlous state it was in after its
orgy of self-destruction? Unless he has some master plan and is keeping
his powder dry for the present, it seems that he is simply an
ineffectual dud whose overweening ego led him to find his level of
incompetence.



Leave aside his diffident, inarticulate one-liners, his mangled metaphors, his preschool pronunciation of some words, and the Micallef
parodies – these are failures of leadership style and presentation. The
real issue for Shorten is that he is a man who seems to stand for
nothing beyond what the latest polls indicate he should stand for. In
short, he is the product of a corrupt ALP faction ridden system of
candidate selection. Once was a time when the factions were based more
upon their adherence to particular philosophies. Now, it seems the
factions are nothing more than groupings of power-addicted individuals
every bit as morally corrupt as the LNP.



Unless the ALP becomes the openly democratic organisation that John Faulkner argues for, the ALP will continue to have leaders of the calibre of Bill Shorten, and Prime Ministers of the stripe of Tony Abbott.


Labor veteran John Faulkner says his party must restore
its tradition of grassroots participation, eliminate the “stench of
corruption”, and work to end the fundraising arms race as part of a
broad effort to restore trust between major party politics and
increasingly alienated voters.



He also says the campaign “arms race” is skewing priorities and
perceptions in major party politics. “Elections must be a contest of
ideas, not a battle of bank balances,” he says.



“And in that contest of ideas, our political parties are paramount.
In our two party system the selection of candidates and the setting of
policies within the major political parties have perhaps as great an
influence on Australia’s governance as do general elections,” he says.



“It is therefore essential that Australia’s political parties are
open, transparent and democratic – no code words, no cabals, no secret
handshakes.”

It’s hard to argue with that.


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John Faulkner's call for trust drowned out by all the stunts

John Faulkner's call for trust drowned out by all the stunts






John Faulkner's call for trust drowned out by all the stunts

Tony
Abbott and Bill Shorten have no time listen to the Labor elder’s
critique of stunts because they’re too busy heading to their next one





Prime Minister Tony Abbott

Poll? What poll? Tony Abbott tells reporters he is not concerned federal politicians rated so low on a poll about trust.
Photograph: lan Porritt/AAP








John Faulkner put a big proposition
before federal politics this week. The Labor elder spoke about trust.
Trust, he contended, was not some quaint abstraction. In politics, trust
is hard currency. Trust actually allowed politicians to take on big,
unpopular reforms in the national interest. Without trust – the singular
magic that allowed for recurrent acts of courage – politics was little
more than a bunch of disconnected stunts and a not very compelling
personality contest.



Politics, predictably, ignored John Faulkner (what, him again, hasn’t
he left yet?) – and rolled on with another cheery week in stuntsville.



Some edited highlights. Tony Abbott rang in for a chat
with his sometime antagonist and some time life coach Alan Jones. After
apologising first for his tardiness, and then for his lack of immediate
recall about the treachery provisions of the crimes act, the prime
minister promptly declared his intention to “red card” hate preachers.
What did this short and satisfying sizzle for Alan actually mean? Well,
apparently it meant the government would continue to do what governments
periodically do, which is refuse to give unwelcome visitors visas on
character grounds, and proceed with efforts to strengthen
counter-terrorism provisions.



Bill Shorten indulged in a short session as empathiser-in-chief about
cost of living, holding a public event in Brisbane in front of a snazzy
new backdrop flanked by colleagues Terri Butler and Sam Dastyari. Bill
understood that things were expensive. Dastyari, quite understandably in
the context of the (non-) event and Shorten’s rather meandering
descriptions of it, suppressed yawns rather too often. (Cost of living.
It’s terrible. Somebody should get on to that.)



The attorney general, George Brandis, held a short, strange press conference in which he told
assembled journalists that the retired judge conducting the
government’s royal commission into various alleged nefarious conduct(s)
by trade unions and officials had sought an extension of time to pursue
criminality. A closer reading of the correspondence supplied by Brandis
indicated the commissioner had been rather more ambiguous about this
“request”, which was, according to the man making it, “neither an
application to widen the terms of reference nor an application to extend
the reporting date”.



Somebody, meanwhile, forgot to tell Joe Hockey, off in Washington,
that expressions of bipartisanship on Iraq must trump his more immediate
problem of making the columns in the budget papers add up. Hockey
either didn’t get the talking points about how good Bill was being on
Iraq, or he didn’t read them. Hockey was busy, after all, embarking on
the task he spent much of opposition roundly bagging Wayne Swan for
doing – moving the goal posts about budget forecasts that were proving
about as wobbly as jelly. Poor old Joe. Rough going at the moment, it
must be said. A more paranoid type might begin to fret about the prime
minister’s escalating habit of hanging him out to dry.



Meanwhile, in chambers of substance, various things occurred. Bret
Walker – an eminent lawyer who knows the odd thing about national
security law, having studied the Australian regime as independent
legislation monitor – pointed out
in an intelligence committee hearing that laws aiming to make it easier
to prosecute jihadists returning from overseas were strangely drafted
and would likely not work as intended. (That sort of thing is known in
the trade as “wut”, quickly followed by “woopsie”.)



It emerged
that a government department that has been working for years (let’s
repeat that, years) on the premise that Australia absolutely must have a
mandatory data retention scheme (where a trove of ordinary folks
private communications data is held for two years just in case police or
some person from the RSPCA needs it) still has no clear advice about
how such a scheme will actually work in the real world. But why get
wound up? There’s still a couple of weeks to sort that out.



And of course, we went to war.
Officially. Australian Super Hornets this week ended their period of
flights without engagement, and went after an Islamic State target.
Australia undertook the first sortie in what will be a long military
campaign with highly uncertain domestic and international consequences.



Politics doesn’t get more substantial than that.


So what, then, of Faulkner’s point? Is trust in politics really
necessary? Some would argue that it’s not. Our hard-wired tendency to
discount most everything uttered by a professional politician has not
stopped Australia succeeding more often than it fails when it comes to
policy-making in the national interest.



But everything has a tipping point. Faulkner’s long-view judgment
that politics has entered genuinely existential territory is not without
merit. One of the most perplexing trends in politics right now is its
apparent appetite for working against its own long-term self-interest,
in small things and in big things.



Faulkner didn’t term his diagnosis in this way, but his argument was
essentially the cabal culture which now dominates in professional
politics has reached such a nadir that major party powerbrokers don’t
actually mind if they are on the Titanic as long as they have plush
seats.



There was another poll this week
underscoring the distance between the voters and post-fact post-truth
Canberra. A poll of 1,200 voters now apparently rates the federal
government behind state and local governments on trust. The prime
minister, feeling genial after a Coag meeting, made light of this rather
grim milestone on Friday. “I think the surveys are lagging indicators
if I may say so,” he said.



Abbott’s broad diagnosis was firmly in the “ever thus” camp.
Australians pride ourselves on our disdain for politics. Of course we
tell polling companies we don’t trust politicians. “There are always
going to be people who are disappointed with government because, let’s
face it, we cannot do everything that everyone would like us to do
immediately. We just can’t.”



This statement is both true, and misleading. The breeziness in the
face of voter contempt completely ignores all the things politics can
actually do to deal with the current authenticity challenge: curtail the
empty gestures, deal in facts, say what you mean, do what you say, and
get serious about things such as funding and disclosure reform so voters
know where the money stops and the decisions start. Just get serious,
full stop.



But if you can’t get serious, there is always another formulation to
get you through the current press conference. Abbott: “We have repealed
the carbon tax and the mining tax. We have more or less stopped the
boats. We are working more effectively than the critics would concede to
bring the budget back into balance and I think over time, if government
is competent and trustworthy, the public will respond appropriately.”
As is sometimes said in the classics, only time will tell.



Friday 10 October 2014

This is a watershed for Labor and the unions

This is a watershed for Labor and the unions

This is a watershed for Labor and the unions



Posted



Gough Whitlam's task in the 1970s was to
build distance between Labor and the "loony" left. Now Bill Shorten's
task is distance the party from the more corrupt unions, writes Barrie
Cassidy.
John Faulkner's right of course. He usually
is. The former ALP Senate leader brings wisdom, decency and passion to
most battles that he chooses to fight.


Having said that, his call
on Tuesday for dramatic reform of Labor's internal structures will
probably fall well short of his ambitions simply because it threatens
the power and influence of faction leaders within the organisation.


Faulkner
points out that the trade unions represent 17 per cent of the workforce
and yet they have 50 per cent representation at ALP national
conferences. Former leader Simon Crean put it all on the line to reduce
that representation from 60 per cent. Faulkner now wants it reduced to
20 per cent. Imagine that, 60 per cent elected by the membership, 20 per
cent by electorate councils and just 20 per cent by the unions.


That
would come close to reflecting what party members want and think. And
that's what scares the powerbrokers, particularly from the right,
because they believe their own membership is out of step with broad
mainstream opinion, dangerously so for a mainstream political party.


Faulkner
too insists that reforming conference representation alone won't fix
the core problem. He wants Senate pre-selections, and those in all upper
houses around the states, to go to a full statewide ballot of all party
members.


That would really break the back of union influence and
put a stop once and for all to the unsavoury antics of a few who carve
up pre-selections according to whose turn it is among the major unions.


Tinkering won't get the party there. Only Faulkner's big bang theory, or a series of incremental big bangs, will.

Hardheads
in the Labor Party, partly out of self-interest, say the public has no
appetite for the party constantly talking about itself. We'll see how
much of an appetite they have for that conversation - the links between
the party and the unions - when the Royal Commission into union
corruption brings downs its findings on the cusp of a federal election.
Tony Abbott is good at that kind of thing.


You can argue all day
as to whether the Royal Commission was effectively asking for an
extension. Even Bill Shorten conceded this week there was "conjecture"
on that point.


And you can mark the Government down because it
took days to accede to the union corruption extension and months to do
likewise with the child abuse Royal Commission, but the fact remains
both are doing essential work.


Commissioner Dyson Heydon said in his letter to the Attorney General:

...
the inquiry ... has revealed evidence of criminal conduct which
includes widespread instances of physical and verbal violence, cartel
conduct, secondary boycotts, contempt of court and other institutional
orders, and the encouragement of others to commit these contempts.


Some
officials appear to regard their unions as having immunity not only
from the norms and sanctions of the Australian legal system, but also
from any social or community standard shared by other Australians.
Give
them more time, and you can be sure the commission will turn up even
more evidence of wrongdoing that is ultimately embarrassing to Labor by
extension.


Shorten has already taken baby steps, in particular his
insistence that non-union members be free to join the party. But the
Royal Commission must surely signal that a watershed has been reached.
Dramatic reform is now needed.


Gough Whitlam's career is instructive in this sense.

What
is often misunderstood about Whitlam is that he did so much of his best
work well before he became Prime Minister. No single individual in the
history of the Labor Party until then or since has done more to
modernise the party - and he did that from opposition before 1972 - when
leaders have limited clout.


Whitlam gave the parliamentary party
increased powers over both the industrial and organisational wing,
albeit from a low historical base. He did that by making changes to the
National Executive.


To get there, he put everything on the line,
even his leadership as he did in 1969 when he resigned as part of his
push against the left of the party. He faced a challenge from Jim
Cairns, and won, and that was a significant victory over the industrial
wing and the hardliners, especially in Victoria. That's why he did it,
and that's what he achieved.


Then in 1971 he led the federal
intervention into the Victorian branch when supporters of his, like Bob
Hawke and Clyde Holding, prevailed over the radical left as it was then.
That was high risk stuff, every bit as risky as throwing his leadership
open two years earlier. But he took it on and won, and right on the eve
of an election victory. He transformed the party from one that the
unions used as a protest organisation, to one that was a government in
waiting.


Perhaps the need for reform in the late '60s and early
'70s was more urgent. Perhaps not. Can Labor afford to wait until the
Royal Commission reports to find out?


Whitlam's task was to build
distance between the party and the "loony" left. Shorten's is to build
the same distance between the party and the more corrupt unions.


Shorten
said this week when commenting on the extension to the Royal Commission
that "I think the government needs to be very careful that it's not
playing politics here".


Why should they? The politics is all with them.

Barrie Cassidy is the presenter of the ABC program Insiders. View his full profile here.

Thursday 9 October 2014

Poll Bludger: Faulkner dares to take on the unions –

Poll Bludger: Faulkner dares to take on the unions –

Poll Bludger: Faulkner dares to take on the unions







At a time when corruption scandals and electoral debacles
have left the party at a historically low ebb, Senator John Faulkner’s
image as a straight-shooting honest broker is a rare asset for the ALP.



He once again put that reputation to use in pursuing the case for party reform in a speech on Tuesday evening, offering his most comprehensive prescription to date for how the party might dig itself out of its present hole.


One one level, as Bernard Keane explored in Crikey yesterday,
Faulkner considered the challenges posed to all political parties by
the changing expectations of democratic participation in the age of
social media.



But the more substantive of his proposals were concerned
with the specific problem facing the ALP: namely the domination of its
decision-making by a small coterie of union officials, and the networks
of patronage encouraged by its existing structures.



Tackling the matter head-on, Faulkner advocated a ban on MPs
being bound to vote along factional lines in caucus. However, such
arrangements merely provide formal expression to the underlying reality
that a parliamentarian’s career longevity usually depends on he/she
staying faithful to those who put him/ her there.



Recognising this, the Faulkner blueprint is equally
concerned with the composition of the party’s state conferences, which
in turn determine the administrative and preselection committees that
have so much bearing on who represents the party in Parliament.



One proposal is for union members to “opt in” to be counted
for purposes of affiliation to the ALP. As well as leaving it to members
to determine if their fees would be used to pay a contribution to the
party, this would also mean that a union’s entitlement to representation
at conference would be determined by the number of opt-in members,
rather than the total membership.



Such a measure was brought in by the Labour Party in the UK
earlier this year, and those who have argued that the ALP should follow
suit have included Julia Gillard, former Gillard government minister
Greg Combet, and Throsby MP Stephen Jones, himself a former union heavyweight as New South Wales secretary of the Community and Public Sector Union.



One of many obstacles here is that the measure would not
stand to impact on all unions equally, as it can be presumed that some
unions’ membership bases would be more amenable to opting in than
others.



Party observers say the powerful Right faction Shop,
Distributive and Allied Employees Association, noted as a force for
social conservatism, would have a particularly difficult time persuading
the retail workers who dominate its membership to sign on. Other unions
of both the Left (United Voice and the Australian Services Union) and
Right (the Transport Workers Union) would do rather a lot better out of
the arrangement.



Another approach taken by Faulkner involves putting the
selection of delegates to state conferences in the hands of the union
membership, rather than the leadership. Of particular significance is
Faulkner’s view that the elections should be conducted “under the
principle of proportional representation”. Otherwise, elections for
delegates would largely replicate those conducted for the union
leadership, providing a more roundabout means for delivering them what
they have already. If a union’s conference delegation was instead made
to consist of multiple competing entities within the party, it would no
longer operate as a bloc of loyal soldiers acting at the behest of the
leadership.



A hint to the likelihood of Faulkner’s proposals taking
effect, in the short term at least, is provided by his call for the
union component at party conferences to be cut from its existing 50% to
20%.



Given the political trauma endured by former Labor leader
Simon Crean, when he succeeded in reducing it from 60% in 2002, this
seems extravagantly ambitious. Then as now, the reform project was
confronted by the conundrum, by no means peculiar to the ALP, that power
to change the organisational status quo lies in the hands of its very
beneficiaries.



So for the moment at least, it appears the best Faulkner can
hope for is to add momentum to a reform drive that continues to proceed
tentatively and inconsistently.



It is no doubt telling that the New South Wales and
Queensland branches, having been reduced to parliamentary rumps at their
most recent state elections, have gone further down the reform path
than other states, particularly Victoria, where the party has never
ceased to be competitive.



The troubling corollary for federal Labor is that it may
take a few more strokes of the electoral lash before it feels emboldened
to take the measures necessary to ensure that its next spell in office
will be less tumultuous than the last.


Labor’s Methuselah spots the digital challenge and opportunity –

Labor’s Methuselah spots the digital challenge and opportunity –

Labor’s Methuselah spots the digital challenge and opportunity


Faulkner has gone further than ever before in urging Labor
Party reform — but his analysis of the threats and opportunities to his
party is every bit as important.






It’s hard to conjure quite the right image for Labor Senator
John Faulkner; he’s been a prophet in the social democratic wilderness
for some time now; his longevity, as one of the last remaining links
between the current party and the Hawke years, makes him the party
Methuselah, but increasingly he appears a Cassandra, doomed not to be
heeded by his party as he warns of the need for significant change.






His speech last night
on Labor reform went further than his previous efforts, both in its
recommendations — especially for reducing union control of party
delegates from 50% to just 20%, and requiring union members to opt in to
being counted for affiliation purposes — and its analysis of the
party’s history and structure. Apart from his
tailor-made-for-a-grab-quote line that “without trust politics is a
contest of personalities, not ideas — a contest with no more relevance
than an episode of MasterChef”, Faulkner’s analysis brought
together a range of issues: the importance — and dearth — of trust in
politics, his failure (more accurately, the failure of the Coalition and
Steve Fielding, but he declines to say that) to pass laws to improve
transparency of political donations, the privileged position of
political parties and, of course, Labor’s internal structures and
processes. As he has before, he cited “the stench of corruption which
has to come to characterise the NSW Labor Party” — “the party which gave
you Eddie Obeid, Ian Macdonald and Craig Thomson, and promoted Michael
Williamson as its national president” — as demanding substantial change.



But Faulkner’s broader thesis is at least as interesting as
his proposals for reforming his own party. He has a perhaps
old-fashioned view that political parties, and the way they operate, are
important:



[In the] contest of ideas, our
political parties are paramount. In our two-party system the selection
of candidates and the setting of policies within the major political
parties have perhaps as great an influence on Australia’s governance as
do general elections. It is therefore essential that Australia’s
political parties are open, transparent and democratic –no code-words,
no cabals, no secret handshakes.”

And they could only function effectively as reforming
entities with that transparency, he said. “Principles of integrity,
transparency, and accountability are crucially important to Labor’s
reforming agenda, because they enable that faith in the political
process, which is critically important to the consensus building that
makes reform possible.” He stressed that governments couldn’t undertake
reform without trust from voters: “On that consensus of trust rests the
operation of our government: the ability to make decisions, even where
they may not be popular; the ability to pass laws, even where they
constrain or disadvantage some members of the community; the ability to
assign what may be scarce resources to priorities, and therefore not to
other areas or interests.”



Ultimately
Faulkner is not merely urging Labor to update its internal rules to
recognise 120 years of history, but to embrace the opportunities that
new, non-geographical communities can offer.”

For those concerned about the apparent inability of major
party politicians to undertake large-scale reforms anymore, Faulkner’s
thesis deserves consideration alongside the recent speech of former Treasury secretary Ken Henry on the failings of the “Australian mercantilist” narrative.



Faulkner’s other broad point was that Labor’s internal
structures had changed to reflect a changing Australia before, and
should continue to do so — and what was “cutting edge” in 1891 is
unlikely to be useful today. Indeed, Faulkner argued the “delegated
democracy” model on which Labor was founded was now anti-democratic:



We now have technologies that
offer unprecedented opportunities for the direct and secure
communication of information. More importantly, they provide us with
unprecedented opportunities for interaction. And they are woven into
everyday life so inextricably that, to the younger members of our
community especially, they have become invisible. They offer a huge
potential to party organisation and for party democracy,and at the same
time fundamentally change expectations of participation, engagement and
responsiveness.”

The emergence of social media, Faulkner said, had
“profoundly changed our ideas of community and our expectations of what
community — and political — involvement looks like. Twenty-first century
democracy is very different from even 10 or 15 years ago:
self-organising, intolerant of top-down management, expecting
interactivity and immediacy.”



Such sentiments could be, and almost certainly will be,
derided as a techno-utopian pandering to the Twitterati (as unlikely as
that image is for Faulkner). But he has displayed a remarkable
astuteness in picking up that the internet and social media have changed
our concept of what communities are and how they should work — a key
understanding that clearly eludes most of his political contemporaries
either in his own party or on the other side of the chamber, and much of
the media as well. For nearly all of human history, communities were
geographically based — we associated with our families, our neighbours,
our work colleagues. Now, we can associate with whatever communities
appeal to us, no matter where on the planet they may be. And we expect
very different things in terms of interaction from those communities
than we did of geographical communities. And Labor must understand this:



Geographically based
organisation, face-to-face meetings, complex procedures and delegated
decision-making suited an Australia without cars or telephones — even
the Australia of my student days, before faxes or answering machines,
let alone mobiles and emails. But it does not suit Australia today.”

That’s the core argument for party reform, from
Faulkner — even if you dislike his specific prescriptions, his case for
substantially, not just trivially, greater democracy within political
parties is based on the ever-growing gulf between historical
institutions propped up by their privileged position within the
political system and voters with very different expectations of civic
engagement and communities.



Ultimately Faulkner is not merely urging Labor to update its
internal rules to recognise 120 years of history, but to embrace the
opportunities that new, non-geographical communities can offer. There’s a
first-mover advantage there for the party smart enough to seize it.
Impressive coming from the party Methuselah.


Wednesday 8 October 2014

John Faulkner: Labor must eliminate ‘stench of corruption’ to restore faith

John Faulkner: Labor must eliminate ‘stench of corruption’ to restore faith




John Faulkner: Labor must eliminate ‘stench of corruption’ to restore faith




ALP
elder says that the consensus of trust in politics has been broken and
the party must open up its decision making and end the fundraising arms
race to win back voters







John Faulkner

John Faulkner:
there is a widespread perception that politics now is ‘a values-free
competition for office and the spoils it can deliver’.

Photograph: Alan Porritt/AAP








Labor veteran John Faulkner says his party must restore its
tradition of grassroots participation, eliminate the “stench of
corruption”, and work to end the fundraising arms race as part of a
broad effort to restore trust between major party politics and
increasingly alienated voters.



In a speech delivered in Sydney on Tuesday night, Faulkner says
Australian democracy and the practical operation of government has
existed on a broad consensus of trust – but the trust has been fractured
by the now widespread public perception that politics is merely “a
values-free competition for office and the spoils it can deliver”.



Faulkner points to a crisis of public confidence on a number of
levels, stemming from allegations of corruption through the Independent
Commission Against Corruption; the “cabal” culture of political parties
which prioritises the exercise of institutional power over contributions
from members; and a perception that special interests seek to buy
“access and influence” through political donations.



He notes that public perceptions of undue influence “can be as
damaging to democracy as undue influence itself” because those
perceptions “undermine confidence in our processes of government, making
it difficult to untangle the motivation behind policy decisions –
electors are left wondering if decisions have been made on their
merits”.



Faulkner notes that he failed the persuasion task as special minister of state under Kevin Rudd in 2008 and 2009.


Faulkner at that time pursued electoral funding and disclosure
reforms which he says “would have had at least some dampening effect on
the behaviour that is being exposed at the Icac”. Those reforms, which
would have reduced the political donations disclosure threshold to
$1,000 and required more continuous disclosure, were blocked in the
Senate.



Faulkner also acknowledges that some of his recent proposals for
democratising the Labor party have been defeated in forums such as the
recent NSW annual conference.



He says there is a widening chasm between Labor’s avowed commitment
to democracy and “our internal practice of it”. Faulkner urges
colleagues blocking proposals for democratisation to “stop clinging to
the wheel [because] you are steering us straight for the rocks”.



The speech in western Sydney on Tuesday night to the Light on the
Hill Society is a call to arms for the ALP, and for major party politics
more generally.



Of the ALP, Faulkner says the “stench of corruption which has come to
characterise the NSW Labor party must be eliminated – failing to act is
not an option”.



“The party which gave you Eddie Obeid, Ian Macdonald and Craig
Thomson; and promoted Michael Williamson as its national president must
now be open to scrutiny and its processes subject to the rule of law,”
he says.



He says Labor must democratise its decision-making, embrace community
preselections, allow statewide ballots of party members for Senate
preselections, and allow directly elected delegates at conferences.



Faulkner says Labor must take on its “Russian doll of nested
factions” and break the undemocratic exercise of power through practices
such as “binding” caucus votes. “The practice of factions, affiliates
or interest groups binding parliamentarians in caucus votes or ballots
must be banned,” he says.



He also says it is time to rework the relationship between the party
and the trade union movement. Faulkner says unions are viewed and too
often behave within party structures as institutional blocs: “Faceless
institutions controlled by union secretaries who are in turn obedient to
factional cartels.”



He says a better model would see union members voting and having a
direct say on issues without the filter of the delegation. He says:
“Influence over ALP policy should depend on the strength of your case
and the quality of your argument, not on the number of members you claim
belong to your union – a claim which, as we have seen recently, does
not always accord with reality.”



Faulkner’s point about fundraising and democratisation is more broad-ranging than an internal critique of ALP practice.


He says all rules and decisions made by political parties should be
opened to challenge in court – and that governments should make that a
condition of political parties receiving taxpayer support through public
funding.



He also says the campaign “arms race” is skewing priorities and
perceptions in major party politics. “Elections must be a contest of
ideas, not a battle of bank balances,” he says.



“And in that contest of ideas, our political parties are paramount.
In our two party system the selection of candidates and the setting of
policies within the major political parties have perhaps as great an
influence on Australia’s governance as do general elections,” he says.



“It is therefore essential that Australia’s political parties are
open, transparent and democratic – no code words, no cabals, no secret
handshakes.”